History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe
by W. E. H. Lecky
Footnotes to Chapter V.
1:163. See Suarez, De Fide, lib. vi. cap. iv.
2:163. On the inevitable tendency of the doctrine of deposition to tyrannicide, there are some good remarks in Bossuet, Defensio, lib. i. c. 3. The doctrine of tyrannicide among the Jesuits seems to have died away after Suarez: the political condition of Europe no longer made it of great service to the Church, and the controversies of Jansenism diverted the energy of the Jesuits into new channels. Pascal, in his Provincial Letters, barely touches this aspect of the Jesuit teaching.
1:164. See on the one side Bianchi, Puissance Souveraine, and on the other the Defensio of Bossuet.
2:164. According to Bianchi, the first Catholic who maintained that the Pope had no power over the temporal possessions of princes who fell into heresy was an Englishman of the time of James I. -- William Barclay, the father of the author of the Argenis. W. Barclay wrote against and was answered by Bellarmine. (Bianchi, tom. ii. pp. 768, 769.)
1:165. Bianchi, tom. t. pp. 96-104.
1:166. Defensio, lib. i. c. 15, 16. Avertissements sur les Lettres de M. Jurieu, no. 5.
1:168. Hallam, Hist. of Lit.
1:169. Barrington On the Statutes, p. 280.
2:169. See, however, some rather strong passages quoted by Kellerus, Tyrannicidium, pp. 73, 74.
1:170. See Buckle's Hist. of Scottish Civilisation.
2:170. 'And therfor I fear not to affirm that it had bene the dutie of the nobilitie, judges, rulers, and people of England, not only to have resisted and again-standed Marie, that Jesabel whome they call their queen, but also to have punished her to the death, with all the sort of her idolatrous preestes, together with all such as should have assisted her what tyme that shee and they openly began to suppresse Christes Evangil, to shed the blood of the saincts of God, and to erect that most devillish idolatrie, the Papistical abominations.' (Knox, Appellation.)
1:171. As Buchanan tersely puts it, 'Rex, lex loquens; lex, rex matus.'
1:172. Camden, Annal., pars ii. (ad ann. 1571).
1:173. It is worthy of remark, as showing their persistence, that probably the ablest modern advocate of what may be termed the Biblical aspect of liberty was Robert Hall.
1:174. As Macaulay very truly and very eloquently wrote, 'The Church of England continued to be for more than 150 years the servile handmaid of monarchy, the steady enemy of public liberty. The divine right of kings and the duty of passively obeying all their commands were her favourite tenets. She held those tenets firmly through times of oppression, persecution, and licentiousness, while law was trampled down, while judgment was perverted, while the people were eaten as though they were bread. Once, and but once -- for a moment, and but for a moment -- when her own dignity and property were touched, she forgot to practise the submission she had taught.' (Essays, vol. i. p. 60, ed. 1861.) Hallam, however, has disinterred a curious book called A Short Treatise of Politique Power, published by Poynet, Protestant Bishop of Winchester, in 1558, advocating the most seditious doctrines, and among others tyrannicide. But the explanation is simple: Poynet wrote during the persecution of Mary. (Hist. of Lit., vol. ii. pp. 37-40.)
2:174. 'Eternal damnation is prepared for all impenitent rebels in hell with Satan the first founder of rebellion.' 'Heaven is the place of good obedient subjects, and hell the prison and dungeon of rebels against God and their prince.' (Homily on Wilful Rebellion.)
1:175. Homilies on Wilful Rebellion and on Obedience. The same doctrines were laid down in the Canons of Convocation in 1606, and by the University of Oxford in 1622, when censuring a preacher named Knight, who had said that subjects oppressed on account of religion might sometimes resist. (Hallam, Const, Hist., vol. i. p. 415.)
1:176. Ductor Dubitantium, lib. iii. cap. iii. Ussher, who was perhaps still more competent than Taylor to express the sentiments of the Fathers, was at least equally emphatic. See Elrington's Life of Ussher, vol. i. p. 239. Berkeley made an ingenious attempt to show that passive obedience was ordained by the law of nature: see his Discourse on Passive Obedience.
1:177. In the clause that it was not lawful 'on any pretence whatever to take up arms against the king.' This clause was expunged at the Revolution (Allen's Hist. of Royal Prerogative in England, p. 89). Magna Charta had declared that kings who violated it might be resisted.
2:177. This decree is given in full in Wodrow's Hist. of Church of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 506. See on this whole subject, Hallam, Const. Hist., vol. ii. pp. 459-465 (ed. 1854).
1:179. Eccl. Pol., lib. i. sec. 10.
2:179. 'The lawful power of making laws to command whole political societies of men belonging so properly unto the same entire societies, that for any prince or potentate, of what kind soever, upon earth to exercise the same of himself and not by express commission immediately and personally received from God, or else from authority derived at the first from their consent upon whose persons they impose laws, it is no better than mere tyranny. Laws they are not therefore which public approbation hath not made so.' (Eccl. Pol., lib. i. sec. 10.)
1:180. Eccl. Pol., b. viii. ch. ii. At a later period Burnet threw himself into the liberal movement as cordially as Locke, but he was almost isolated in the Church.
2:180. This change is clearly shown in Sidney.
1:181. Bossuet maintained this, remarking that 'Abimelech,' which was a name originally common to all the kings of Palestine, signifies, 'My father king.' (Defensio, lib. i. c. 3.) In England the patriarchal theory of government seems to have become especially popular under James I. (see Hallam's Hist. of Lit., vol. iii. p. 439, ed. 1854), but there are many traces of it at an earlier period. Thus in the Institution of a Christian Man (1537), and in The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man (1543), passive obedience is unequivocally enforced as a deduction from the Fifth Commandment. 'I die,' said Lord Capel on the scaffold, in 1649, 'for keeping the Fifth Commandment, given by God himself, and written with His own finger. It commands obedience to parents; and all divines, differ as they will on other points, agree in this, and acknowledge that it includes the magistrate' (Marsden, History of the Later Puritans, from 1642 to 1662, p. 320). Milton, on the other hand, said: 'Pater et rex diversissima sunt. Pater nos genuit; at non rex nos sed nos regem creavimus. Patrem natura dedit populo, regem ipse populus dedit sibi; non ergo propter regem populus, sed propter populum rex est.' (Defensio Pop. Ang., cap. i.)
2:181. As Locke says, 'I should not speak so plainly of a gentleman long since past answering (Sir R. Filmer), had not the pulpit of late years publicly owned his doctrine, and made it the current divinity of the times.' (Preface to Treatise on Government.)
1:182. 'The end of government being the good of the community, whatever alterations are made in it tending to that end cannot be an encroachment upon anybody, since nobody in government can have any right tending to any other end.' (On Government, c. xiv.)
2:182. Ibid., c. xviii.
3:182. 'If any one shall claim a power to lay or levy taxes on the people without their consent, he thereby invades the fundamental law of property, and subverts the end of government.' (Ibid., ch. xi.)
4:182. 'The legislature cannot transfer the power of making laws, for, it being but a delegated power from the people, they who have it cannot pass it over to others.' (Ibid.) This doctrine was very justly regarded by Grattan and Plunket as decisive against the constitutional character of the Act of Union between England and Ireland.
1:183. The passages from Scripture which the Anglican divines cited as their political rules would seem to imply that allegiance should always be rendered to the sovereign de facto. This doctrine, however, was at the Revolution generally and indignantly repudiated by the clergy, who maintained that while King James held his court at St. Germains he alone was entitled to their allegiance. However, after the Revolution, Sancroft published a work called Bishop Overall's Convocation Book, which had been approved by both Houses of Convocation at the beginning of the reign of James I. This work (which had not before been published) asserted in the strongest terms the doctrine of passive obedience, based it on the patriarchal theory of government, and declared that in case of a change of government being effected by unrighteous means, allegiance should be transferred to the new power when it was 'thoroughly settled.' Thereupon Sherlock declared that he considered himself bound by the voice of the Church to take the oaths of allegiance to the government of William (which, to the world at large, seemed very far indeed from 'thoroughly settled'), and he accordingly accepted the deanery of St. Paul's. The explosion that followed is admirably described by Macaulay (ch. xvii.). It is evident that the doubt hanging over this part of the theory of the Anglican divines, was favourable to liberty -- in the first place by weakening the logical force of that theory, and in the second place by giving those who shrunk from absolutely rejecting it a pretext for joining the new government.
1:185. Among the less eminent freethinkers there were, indeed, some exceptions to this tendency. Thus Tindal wrote a tract against Passive Obedience in 1694, a defence of Toleration in 1697, and a defence of a Free Press in 1698. Toland too wrote, in 1702, a somewhat remarkable book called Anglica Libera, in which he advocated very eloquently the political principles of Locke, denounced strongly the doctrine of Hobbes that a sovereign has a right to dictate the religion of his subjects, and maintained that 'the success of the Protestant religion, politically speaking, depends on the liberty of the several States of Europe' (p. 185). Toland also edited the Oceana, and wrote the Lives of IIarrington and Milton. But the most eminent avowed English freethinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are those mentioned in the text, with the exception of Gibbon, who sat in Parliament as a Tory.
1:187. Many instances of this are collected by Bianchi (tom. i. pp. 46-84), but the fullest account I have met with is in a very clever anonymous book (written from a strong Catholic point of view, and ascribed by some to an author named Pellison, and by others to Bayle), called Avis aux Refugiez sur leur prochain retour en France, par M. C. L. A. A. P. D. P. The condemnation of the book of Suarez was by a Synod of Tonneins, in 1614. On the other hand, on the extremely liberal views of Jurieu, who preceded both Sidney and Locke, see Miehelet, Hist. de Louis XIV., pp. 431-436. The book in which Jurieu especially expressed them is his Soupirs de la France Esclave.
2:187. Avis aux Refugiez, pp. 64, 65 (ed. 1692).
1:188. Michelet, Hist. de Louis XIV. (1860), p. 432.
2:188. The works of Hotman were collected in three large volumes, in 1600. After the Fanco-Gallia the best known are the Brutum Fulmen, which was written on the occasion of the excommunication of the King of Navarre; and the Antitribonius, which was written in opposition to the revival of Roman legislation. Joseph Scaliger said he helped in the composition of the Franco-Gallia (Scaligerana, art. Hottomannus).
3:188. Franco-Gallia, lib. i. c. 9.
4:188. Lib. i. c. 24. So Knox: 'To promote a woman to beare rule is repugnant to nature, contumelie to God, a thing most contrarious to his reveled will and approved ordinance; and finallie it is the subversion of good order of all equitie and justice.' (Monstrous Regiment of Women.)
1:189. Quæst. ii.
2:189. Vindiciæ contra Tyrannos, p. 45 (ed. 1610).
1:190. Vindiciæ, pp. 38-39, 60.
2:190. P. 45.
1:191. Vindiciæ, p. 60.
2:191. P. 79.
1:193. 'Voyez l'horrible impudence de quoi nous pelotons les raisons divines, et combien irreligieusement nous les avons rejettées et reprises selon que la fortune nous a changez de place en ces orages publics. Cette proposition si solennelle, s'il est permis au sujet de se rebeller et armer contre son prince pour la défense de la religion, souvienne-vous en quelles bouches cette année passée l'affirmative d'icelle étoit l'arcboutant d'un parti, la négative de quel autre patti c'étoit l'arcboutant, et oyez à présent de quelle quartier vient la voix et instruction de l'une et de l'autre si les armes bruyent moins pour cette cause que pour celle-là.' -- Montaigne, Essais, liv. ii. c. 12.
2:193. This tendency of the classical writings elicited a burst of extreme indignation from Hobbes: 'Inter rebellionis causas maximas numerari potest librorum politicorum et historicorum quos scripserunt veteres Græci et Romani lectio.... Mihi ergo monarchiis nihil videtur esse damnosius posse, quam permittere ut hujusmodi libri publice doceantur, nisi simul a magistris sapientibus quibus venenum corrigi possit remedia applicentur. Morbum hunc comparari libet cum hydrophobia,' &c. (Leviathan, cap. xxix.)
1:194. He tried, however, to establish a distinction of his own -- that a king was one who governed according to the law of nature, and a tyrant one who outraged it.
1:195. See Noodt On the Power of Sovereigns, and Gronovius On the Royal Law, both of which were translated into French by Barbeyrac -- the first in 1707, and the second in l714. They were both in the form of lectures delivered near the end of the seventeenth century before the University of Leyden, and are both, I think, rather dismal performances. Noodt was a strenuous advocate of liberty of conscience, and also one of the principal assailants of the theological superstitions about usury. Gronovius is best remembered for his Annotations of Grotius, in which he strongly repudiated the servile political maxims of that writer.
1:197. See some striking remarks on this in Froude's Nemesis of Faith, pp. 160, 161.
2:197. What, for example, could be more opposed to the spirit of the modern Evangelical party, which is supposed by some to represent the Puritanism of the 17th century, than those noble lines of the great poet of the latter? --
'Mortals! who would follow me,
Love virtue, she alone is free:
She can teach ye how to climb
Higher than the sphery chime!
Or, if virtue feeble were,
Heaven itself would stoop to her.' -- Comus.
1:198. Cibrario, Economia Politica del Medio Evo, vol. ii. p. 247 (2d ed.). This tendency was turned to ridicule by Ulrich von Hutten in a very witty but very profane adaptation of the Fables of Ovid to the Christian history (Epistolæ Obscurorum Virorum [London, 1689], pp. 103-107), and also by Rabelais.
1:199. The name was given during the life of Montaigne, who praised it. (Essais, liv. i. c. 27.) La Boétie, unfortunately, died when only in his thirty-second year, and nearly all his works appear to have been posthumous. They have all been republished at Paris, by Léon Fougère, in 1846.
1:200. It appeared for the first time, together with the Franco-Gallia, in a seditious book called Mémoires de l'estat de France sous Charles IX. See Les Historiettes de Tallemant des Réaux (ed. 1834), tom. i. p. 395.
1:201. See some very good remarks on this in Chevalier, Lettres sur l'Organisation de Travail (1848), p. 17.
1:206. Chivalry (cheval).
1:207. On the earlier part of the history of the comparative importance of cavalry and infantry, see the very clear account in a work of the present French Emperor, Du Passé et de l'Avenir de l'Artillerie; and on the later part, and especially on the influence of Vauban, the brilliant sketch of the revolutions in the art of war in the last volume of Thiers' Hist. de l'Empire. M. Thiers has made some striking remarks on the effects of the sceptical movement of the eighteenth century upon war -- disturbing the old traditions of the art, and culminating in the innovations of Napoleon. The democratic importance of the ascendency of infantry has been noticed by Condorcet, Tableau de l'Esprit, humain, p. 144. Condorcet, however, has ascribed that ascendency exclusively to gunpowder. See, too, Cibrario, Economia Publica del Medio Evo, tom. i. pp. 334, 335.
1:208. This has been noticed by many political economists, but by no one more ably than by Mr. Buckle.
1:210. As a distinguished Anglican divine of our own day has put it, 'It is idle, and worse than idle, to attempt to restrict and explain away this positive command ("Resist not evil"), and the Christian Church has always upheld it in its full extent. With one uniform unhesitating voice it has proclaimed the duty of passive obedience.' (Sewell, Christian Politics, ch. x.)
1:211. I have already referred to the bull of Gregory XVI. attesting this contradiction. I may add the following admission of a writer who may be regarded as one of the principal representatives of the Ultramontane party, which has always been the most liberal in politics: -- 'Quoique nous tombions d'accord que la source ou l'origine de la puissance publique réside dans la multitude, nous nions cependant que la puissance publique étant une fois transférée au prince, le peuple conserve toujours sur lui un droit de souveraineté. Nous disons, au contraire, qu'il ne lui reste plus dès lors que le devoir d'obéir, et qu'il n'existe qu'un cas où il puisse se soustraire à cette obéissance, comme en conviennent les plus ardents défenseurs de la puissance royale, savoir, celui où le prince deviendrait l'ennemi public et déclaré de tout son peuple, et où il chercherait à détruire la société civile.' (Bianchi, tom. i. p. 84.)
1:212. See, for some striking evidence of these sentiments, the Discours par un Ministre Patriot sur le projet d'accorder l'état civil aux Protestants, by the Abbé de L'Enfert (Paris, l787).
2:212. Bayle, Dict., art. Faustus Socinus, Remarque c.
3:212. La Sagesse, p. iii.
4:212. Many have ascribed the Avis aux Refugiez to Bayle. The charge, however, seems (as far as I know) destitute of external evidence, and, considering the great zeal with which Bayle threw himself into the defence of the Calvinists when they were attacked by Maimbourg, is rather improbable. Arguments of style are very untrustworthy, because a great writer always produces many imitators, and Bayle's style was by no means difficult to imitate. However, Bayle's aversion to democratic theories pervades all his works, and Hallam says the presumption is strongly in favour of his having written the Avis, while Gibbon and Mackintosh speak of it as certainly his. Voltaire, as is well known, has a far deeper stain upon his memory -- a dark damning stain which all his splendid services can never efface: he applauded the partition of Poland.
2:214. This was, if I remember right, the expression of Cardinal Antonelli in one of his despatches.
1:215. The first step, according to Madame Fusil (Souvenirs d'une Actrice, pp. 27-54), in this direction was taken by an actress named Madame Saint-Hubert, who discarded powder and took the ancient sculptures as her model; but it was the genuis of Talma, warmly seconded by the antiquarians, by the revolutionists, and especially by the Girondins, that finally vanquished the prevailing prejudice. The incongruity of the old costume has, I think, been exaggerated: it was well suited to the Greeks -- of Racine.
1:216. See a singularly curious essay on the history of Gardens in Vitet, Études sur l'Histoire de l'Art. Le Nôtre laid out the gardens of Versailles for Louis XIV.
2:216. As, for example, when it is contended that a people with representative government are slaves, except during the period of the elections. (Contrat Social, liv. iii. ch. xv.)